Women
workers in the global economy
Because of the uncertainty it creates, globalization harms people’s
ability to earn a secure living. In Mollie’s Job:
A Story of Life and Work on the Global Assembly Line,
journalist William Adler examines, through the prism of three women,
the effect of corporate desire for cheap, global labor. By tracing
how one job changes and changes hands over the course of approximately
forty years, Adler’s goal is to describe how
government and Wall
Street reward U.S.-based companies for closing domestic plants
and scouring the globe for the lowest wages in places where human
rights and labor rights are ignored; and about the ways in which
free trade harms democracy, undermines stable businesses and communities,
exploits workers on both sides of the border, both ends of the
global assembly line.
In 1955, Mollie James, an African-American woman, went to work
at Universal Manufacturing Company in Paterson, NJ. This successful,
immigrant-founded company produced ballasts for fluorescent lighting.
It was a unionized, well-paying job, and it enabled Mollie to raise
her five children relatively comfortably. In 1989,
Mollie earned $7.91
an hour; not so much in itself, but with all the overtime she
put in, it came to about $30,000 a year. She also received company-paid
health insurance, and the peace of mind that came from a secure
job— a job she could raise a family on, buy a house, a car,
borrow money against, count on for the future.
In the early 1960s, Universal experienced a great deal of union
unrest, and the company began to look for a second plant in a location
where the conditions were less favorable to unions. It settled on
Mississippi’s Simpson County. In addition to weak unions,
Mississippi was a right-to-work state that provided public financing
for private factories. The jobs at Universal’s Mississippi
plant were initially only for whites, paid less than the jobs in
New Jersey, and did not provide any benefits.
However, Mississippi was not immune to the social and political
changes of the 1960s. Union organizing and the Civil Rights Act
combined with the site manager’s efforts to desegregate the
local labor force led to the hiring of a number of African-Americans.
One of these, who got a job similar to the one done by Mollie at
the plant in New Jersey, was a woman named Dorothy Carter. Carter,
like many of the other African-Americans who worked at the factory,
got the opportunity to free themselves from low-paying dead-end
jobs and the chance to work their way out of poverty. Universal
also brought prosperity to the county as a whole, but of course,
the county’s prosperity would be dependent on the firm’s
fortunes:
One thing everybody
in Simpson County could agree on…was how inextricably linked
was the community with its largest employer. With some much riding
on one horse, it is no wonder that people speculated about what
would become of them were Universal every to close the barn doors.
“I remember when everyone was buying a new trailer,”
[said] Dorothy Carter, “and someone said, ‘Boy, if
that plant ever shuts down, they’re gonna hook ‘em
up like a wagon train.’”
In the 1980s, Universal Manufacturing, like many companies, was
caught up in the “gale winds of Wall Street’s merger
mania.” While the firm had been sold to Philadelphia &
Reading Corporation in the 1960s, P&R had retained most of the
original management and made very few changes. This would not be
the case with Universal’s new owners. In the mid-1980s, Universal
was sold twice within eight months, and it ended up in the hands
of Magna-Tek, an electrical components conglomerate.
In 1988 Magna-Tek opened a plant in Matamoros, Mexico, a city full
of
foreign-owned assembly
plants that wed first-world engineering with third-world working
conditions. The maquiladoras, in turn, are a beacon to tens of
thousands of poor, young women (the industry prefers women, the
younger—for their nimble fingers and compliant minds—the
better), for whom a factory job trumps any other employment options.
The plant in Paterson, NJ could not continue to compete with the
“benefits”— lower wages, weak unions, weak environmental
laws— of operating in Mississippi and Mexico, and in 1989,
the plant was closed. Mollie James, lost her job and the security
that came with it:
She had received a
severance package of $3,171.60— about $93 for each of the
thirty-four years she worked. She collected unemployment benefits
for six months and then enrolled in a six-month-long computer-repair
school, receiving a certificate of completion and numerous don’t-call-us
responses to job inquiries. Mollie never again found work.
In Mexico, the equivalent of Mollie’s job was taken in early
1993 by Balbina Duque, a young woman with an incarcerated husband
and three small children. However, by the end of 1993, the combined
effects of the passage of NAFTA and the collapse of the peso wreaked
havoc with her wages. In 1997 on paper, she was earning twice as
much as in 1993, but, in reality, her wages had declined. To help
control expenses, she lived with her sister and her sister’s
children in two rooms in a subdivision with poor roads and few services
next to a toxic waste dump. While Balbina’s job was the same
as the one Mollie held, her work environment was much different:
The job in which Mollie James once took great pride, the job that
fostered and valued her loyalty, enabled her to rise above her humble
beginnings, provide for her family— that job does not provide
Balbina Duque a wage sufficient to live on.
The company’s move to Mexico did not stop continued attempts
to decrease wages and cut operating costs. In 1997 and 1998, Magna-Tek
closed the remaining US plants and shifted jobs, not to Matomoras,
but to another Mexican city, Reynosa, where it was possible to pay
wages lower than those in Matomoras.
Of course, any time a company moves out of the country, it does
so at the expense of the local community, which very often, through
its labor force and other incentives, helped make the company successful.
Very often, these communities do not recover. Today, in Paterson,
NJ a once thriving industrial center no longer exists, and one-fifth
of its population lives in poverty. The “race to the bottom”
creates anxiety for workers who see their chances for security constantly diminishing. When Adler visited Balbina again in 1999, he asked her if she would
move to Reynosa if her job were transferred there. Her answer speaks
volumes about the effects of globalization. “And what if they
were to move again?” she replies. “Maybe to Juarez or
Tijuana? What then? Do I chase my job all over the world?” |