4.
As a dominant philosophy to guide the 21st century mothers’
movement, maternalism has a certain degree of surface appeal. It represents motherhood as a socially and politically significant
role, and places a high value on the everyday work of mothering.
By accentuating the importance of mothers’ attachment to children
and family and transmuting the strength of the emotional experience
of motherhood into a larger social cause, maternalism also offers
an option for political activism that need not actively challenge
the agents of mother’s internal discontent.(10)
In its undiluted form, maternalism is only concerned with the
well-being of women insofar as they are the mothers, or potential
mothers, of at-risk children.
The social dilemmas that confront the current generation of mother activists are markedly
different than those which galvanized Progressive Era maternalists.
Issues of public health and child mortality, although still problematic,
are not nearly as pressing as they were in the early decades of the
20th century. The instability of modern marriage, the stagnation
of wages, the widening wealth and health gap, the changing corporate climate,
the entry of mothers of young children into the paid workforce, and
the prevalence of racial and gender discrimination have created
a full slate of problems that will – realistically -- require
a considerable investment of time, money and policy-making to resolve.
The categories of policy
reform under discussion by proponents of the new mothers movement
are utterly susceptible to a traditional maternalist model which
portrays mothers’ disproportionate responsibility for child-rearing
and homemaking as the combined result of women’s personal
preference and the natural order. Depending on how legislation
is conceptualized, provisions for paid parental leave and part-time
parity could improve options for combining work and family without
substantially altering the conditions that marginalize mothers
in the first place. Social Security credits for mothers who take
extended time out of the workforce to care for children might
reduce rates of women’s poverty in old age without adequately
addressing the complex interplay of cultural and economic factors
that contribute to women’s financial insecurity over the course
of a lifetime. Unless contemporary mothers’ activists keep
the goal of women’s equality squarely in their sights, “family-friendly”
policies will only function as a superficial overlay to a social
structure based on devaluing care work and those who do it.
A maternalistic mothers’
movement may be most attractive to mothers who are eager to improve
the world but are not yet prepared to probe the cultural and
political context of their personal experience. The sticky questions
about why our society expects so much of mothers and low-wage workers
when it comes to caring for others, and so little of everyone
else -- or how the obligations of care limit women’s freedom
of choice -- need not be answered to advance the maternalist agenda.
Mothers want public recognition for their role in the socially important
work of child-rearing, and few mothers would resent a proposal to
do some collective good on behalf of children anywhere or everywhere.
But framing mothers’ issues by politicizing their attachment
to children runs the risk of undermining mothers’ demands
for social and economic equality in their own right. We don’t
just owe it to our kids to make social change – we owe it
to ourselves.
5.
For good or ill, feminist thinking about motherhood and family has
not been especially consistent or clear cut.(11) The focus of the Second Wave agenda on advancing women’s
status by opening opportunities to paid employment has come under
fire from both liberal and conservative critics for underestimating
the significance of women’s care work both as a life experience
and a resilient barrier to gender equity.(12) Lingering objections based on theoretical disputes about the validity
of “difference” feminism also feed the reluctance of
mothers’ advocates to design their new movement around the
standard feminist philosophy.(13)
Reservations aside, the
feminist conviction that women’s capacity for personal and
political empowerment is inherently separate from any specific,
culturally-determined role -- such as “worker,”“wife”
or “mother” -- has provided an invaluable framework
for interpreting the political and cultural context of the social
and economic marginalization of mothers and the devaluation of care work.
But the nagging moral
question continues to pressure the formulation of an activist agenda
based on mothers’ rights and responsibilities. Even those
who reject the valorization of selfless motherhood as a smokescreen
for the exclusion of women from the true locus of power are subjects
of a culture that continues to define self-interest and motherhood
as manifestly irreconcilable. The desire for a life that allows
for the full expression of one’s identity and ability -- with
all the self-centered and urgent cravings that normally entails
-- is still considered the height of unmotherliness. The overriding
implication is that a woman can have a life of her own, or she can
have children -- but not both.
It may cause less discomfiture
– for individual mothers and society as a whole – to
take a stand that couples the welfare of mothers to the welfare
of children, and children and mothers may indeed live in a better
world as a result. But a child-centric approach
to a mothers movement is inadequate to untangle the messy knot of
the 21st century motherhood problem; to achieve that end, we must
cultivate the understanding that it is right and moral for mothers
to own and actualize a self-concept that is not exclusively dependent
on the attachment to children and family.
mmo : June 2003 |