When I was
a kid, the running joke in our household was that my mom
-- who is a remarkably intelligent and competent woman -- could
never finish a sentence. Conversations with her tended to deteriorate
into a sort of guessing game; she’d begin a cogent thought
but trail off somewhere in mid-stream, and whoever she was talking to would try to fill
in the blanks. A typical exchange might go something like this:
Mom: “If we’re going to have salad for dinner tonight,
I need to buy…”
Pause.
Me: “Lettuce?”
“Hmmm… No, no, I remembered to pick that up yesterday…”
“Tomatoes? Peppers? Onions? Cucumbers?”
“Nope, got all that… now, what was I thinking?”
“Salad dressing?”
“That’s it! I guess I’d better put it on my…”
Pause.
“Shopping list?”
“Thank you. And remind me to tell your brother to…”
Pause…
I never heard my mother reverting to this pattern of speech in
social situations, so I have to assume there was something so mentally
distracting about her domestic role -- which included the usual cooking and housework, wrangling
four bright but temperamental children, and attending to the needs of various
pets, plants, and (of course) my dad -- that it drove the words
right out of her head. We all took it in stride; back then, before
The Feminine Mystique and everything that followed, housewives like my mother were admired for their cleverness
and creativity, but they weren’t expected to be terribly smart.
Today, my mother’s minor cognitive lapses would be diagnosed
as a raging case of “mommy brain” -- a phenomenon that,
like sleep deprivation and stretch marks, is commonly regarded as
one of the inevitable consequences of motherhood.
But does becoming a mother actually dumb us down? Not according
to Katherine Ellison, author of The
Mommy Brain: How Motherhood Makes You Smarter. Mothering
makes us more efficient, resilient and resourceful thinkers, she
argues, because hormonal and neurological changes during pregnancy
and lactation etch a new high-speed network of neural pathways in
our brains. If this sounds a little like science fiction, it is.
In the long run, the human and animal research Ellison uses to make
her case is at best, inconclusive— and at worst, wildly speculative.
Ellison’s objective is an honorable one: she hopes to dispel,
once and for all, the tiresome notion that having a baby is the
equivalent of having a lobotomy. As the author points out, several
recent studies of unconscious stereotypes confirm that pregnant
workers and homemakers are seen as less competent than other working
women. Ellison’s research is exhaustive and her writing is
above reproach, but in the end her argument remains less than convincing.
The problem she keeps bumping up against -- and Ellison acknowledges
this throughout the book -- is that most experts agree it’s
impossible, and even irresponsible, to draw broad conclusions about
patterns of human behavior or cognition based on the suggestive
findings of a few small-scale brain studies or research using
goats, rats, mice, voles, monkeys or other of our furry friends.
For example, when Ellison cites laboratory experiments showing
that mother rats have better memories and are less fearful than
their virgin sisters, she admits it’s something of a stretch
to apply these findings to human mothers. Yet she repeatedly refers
to these studies as if they were particularly salient to understanding
why motherhood might supercharge our brains. In another chapter,
Ellison cites research linking high concentrations of the hormone
oxytocin— which is abundant during child birth and lactation—
with improved mood, increased sociability, feelings of tenderness
and permanent brain changes (in mice), but notes that since oxytocin
doesn’t cross the blood-brain barrier in our own species,
it’s nearly impossible for scientists to study the net effects
of what Ellison describes as the “cuddle” hormone on
human response.
I confess I have a soft spot for this book, because when Ellison
isn’t talking up rat science she makes some very thoughtful
observations about motherhood as an opportunity for personal growth
and development. In a chapter titled “Honey, the Kids Shrunk
My Brain,” she writes: “Unlike marriages, friendships,
or professional collaborations, rearing children comes with a profound
obligation to keep working at challenges that might otherwise be
abandoned -- challenges, moreover, that constantly change and become
more complex over time.” In other words, motherhood changes
us because we can't quit, so we're forced to change and grow to
keep up with its demands. That sounds about right (and one might
assume the same things about fatherhood). And anything that forces
us try something new adds another wrinkle to the ol' gray matter.
But I’m not very comfortable with the idea that motherhood,
in and of itself, is the express route to optimizing cognitive and
emotional intelligence. Ellison hits the nail on the head when she
remarks: “Motherhood is far too complex and variable a condition
for anyone to argue that mothers, as a rule, are smarter that women
who have not given birth… most advantages gained from the
experience depend not only your circumstances but on your attitude.”
And I’m betting circumstances are a much stronger predictor
of how much smarter one feels after becoming a mother than “attitude.”
It’s also discouraging that a great deal of the brain research
Ellison finds so compelling was designed to support the hypothesis
that there are significant, biologically-determined differences
between men’s and women’s native intelligence. If you
happen to believe males and females have evolved separately to specialize
in either competitive (masculine) or caring (feminine) behaviors,
or that present-day social structures and cultural norms based on
male dominance are simply a sophisticated expression of natural
selection, then perhaps this aspect of The Mommy Brain will not trouble you. Ellison’s twist --that motherhood gives
us “baby boosted brains”-- is yet another version of
the persistent folklore that difference is good for women and guys
are kinda dumb when it comes to people skills, but she does try
to balance gender stereotypes by slipping in constant reminders
that men can boost their brains by caring for others, too.
But why does
motherhood have to make us better? Can’t we just
concede that it makes our lives more complicated, and leave it at
that? I can’t fault Ellison for wanting to give mothers a
reason to feel more confident about their mental and maternal abilities,
or for her desire to contradict the modern-day myth that babies
eat your brain. Behind all the quasi-scientific rationales she drags
into the picture, the core premise of The Mommy Brain --
that becoming a mother may change us, but it doesn’t diminish
us -- has a lot going for it.
Indeed, the very fact
Ellison feels she has to dredge up some kind of scientific proof
that mothers can hold their own in the cognitive functioning department
is symptomatic of how fantastically screwed up our cultural appraisal
of mothers and motherhood really is. Of course mothers
think. We think all the time. Throw a rock in any direction and
you’ll hit a mother who’s thinking about something.
Perhaps the problem Ellison is trying to tease out lies not the
commonly-held belief that women start shedding IQ points the moment
they enter the lofty institution of motherhood, but that most people
believe the things mothers think about are not very important.
If that’s the case, then no amount of earnest discussion about
motherhood enhancing our cognitive power at the cellular level is
going to get us out of this rut.
Judith
Stadtman Tucker
May 2005
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