Back in 2002 -- when early supporters  were starting to outline the objectives of the US mothers' movement -- putting  family-friendly policies on the national agenda in an election year topped the to-do  list. Discouraged by reports from DC insiders that topics like paid leave and  affordable child care were off limits on Capitol Hill, we resigned ourselves to  the fact that 2004 was a non-starter -- and even '08 looked like a long shot. 
                But the times, they are a'changing.  Thanks to growing time and economic pressures on middle-income  parents and research and debates inspired by Lisa Belkin's 2004 essay, "The  Opt-Out Revolution," the last 24 months have offered an unprecedented number  of news reports on problems facing working families and barriers to maternal  employment. Even bureaucratic maneuvers such as the Department of Labor's request  for information on the FMLA -- which family leave advocates considered a warning  shot in a renewed attack on employees rights -- received a surprising amount of press. Whether through first-hand hardships or as media  consumers, Americans are waking up to the significant risks of  raising families in a nation where protecting corporate interests takes  priority over the well-being of workers and children -- and, at least among  Democratic hopefuls, candidates in the presidential primary race are taking note. 
                In mid-October, Hillary Clinton  announced her plan for working mothers and families, with Barack Obama and John  Edwards following suit shortly thereafter. (Full disclosure: I'm actively  supporting the Obama campaign in the New    Hampshire primary.) As voters might anticipate, the  leading candidates' policy proposals are consistent with their overarching  campaign narratives. Citing her experience as a "working mother," Clinton supports programs  and business incentives to "give parents more choices to make the  decisions that are best for them." Obama bundles paid leave and child care  policies with a broader package to strengthen the middle-class and restore  economic mobility for lower-income families, while Edwards endorses family-friendly  policies as part of his pro-labor, populist agenda. Overall, the candidate's  proposal are strikingly similar and uniformly modest (links to the candidate's fact  sheets and side-by-side comparisons appear below). 
                While media attention has focused  on the platforms of early-state frontrunners, it would be remiss to ignore the work-life  policy positions of other Democratic candidates -- particularly Chris Dodd, who authored of  two key pieces of family-friendly legislation, the FMLA and the Child Care  Development Block Grant. (In a general statement, Dodd pledges support for eight weeks of  paid family and medical leave, increasing access to affordable, quality child  care by expanding funding for the CCDBG, providing incentives for businesses to  provide child care for their employees, and expanding the existing Child Tax  Credit.) Bill Richardson supports paid leave as part of his women's  issues platform, and Joe Biden's campaign web site notes his co-sponsorship of the Healthy Families Act, which would guarantee seven days of  paid sick days to workers in businesses with 15 or more employees. At writing, however,  no other candidates have issued detailed statements on family-friendly  initiatives. 
                On  the Republican side, candidates  must contend with the conservative business lobby's open hostility to family-friendly policies and a distaste for  social spending among voters on the far right. "The Republicans certainly  know the kind of workplace they admire," writes Paul Waldman in a recent commentary for The American Prospect Online. "It's one in which power -- not values, principles, or  fairness, but raw power -- determines how people are treated. They find deeply troubling anything that constrains employers from  exploiting their workers to whatever degree they see fit." (According to a  recent Pew  survey on mothers' work preferences, Republican voters are also more likely  to agree that it's best for children if mothers stay home.) In any case, the  GOP candidate's web sites offer scant information about where the candidates  stand on supporting maternal employment and valuing families in the workplace. 
                Now, the reality check: With the occupation  in Iraq, resolving America's  health care crisis, and energy policy dominating public concerns, it's unlikely  that variations in the candidates' proposals for paid  leave and child  care funding will sway the decision of voters in early primary states. Given  the range and urgency of domestic and foreign policy issues at hand, it's pretty  remarkable that work-life reconciliation policies are even on the table (not  that I'm complaining, mind you). But it is a hopeful sign that our elected  leaders are prepared to address the impossibility of "balancing" work  and family in America  -- and that relieving the nation's care  crisis has finally gained traction as a mainstream issue. 
                mmo : december 2007  |