If
you think that A) North American society can’t get
any scarier B) the expectations on mothers can’t
get any worse or C) current government regulations on women are
excessive, then you should read Should Parents Be Licensed:
Debating the Issues. The ideas on developing a national
parental licensing program expressed by the editor Peg Tittle and contributors from across North America surpass all imaginable
thresholds of looming threats— they are nothing short of hair-raising.
At first, I had to wonder if Should Parents Be Licensed merits
a review. The premises, assumptions, arguments and propositions
put forward by professors of law, medicine, psychiatry, psychology,
sociology, moral philosophy, and political science seem both too
maniacal and beyond the realm of possibility to take seriously.
Reviewing a book published
in 2004 arguing in favor of eugenics, under the euphemisms of educating,
legislating, and regulating conception, birth and parenting to protect
‘children’s rights’, is like reading Brave
New World as a cogent contemporary thesis. Furthermore, the title of this
book fails to adequately capture the authors’
intentions, which in itself warrants a critical review. I fear that
this book could find an audience among readers searching for a greater
sense of social stability and certainty, during a time of enormous
social, economic, and racial upheaval. As a reviewer, I can’t
and won’t claim to provide an unbiased critique of this book.
What I can offer is an unambiguous account of what the authors propose.
Should Parents Be
Licensed is divided into three sections: arguments and proposals
in favor of creating a national licensing program, arguments in
favor of genetic restrictions, controls, and enhancements, and objections
and replies to genetic restrictions and enhancements.
All the authors argue in favor of planned breeding and child-rearing
using a national licensing program. Such a program would establish
‘minimum’ requirements (to be discussed further on)
for prospective parents, including enrolling in a parenting education
program, passing a series of tests and assessments, participating
in counseling, if necessary, obtaining a license, signing a legally
binding contract, and agreeing to varying degrees of surveillance
and intervention. In conjunction with a national licensing program
the authors also propose genetic restrictions and other reproductive
regulations, to be administrated by federal and state governments.
Differences between the authors have to do with what the minimum
criteria should be for prospective parents, the most efficient means
to administer a licensing program, how to approach genetic restrictions,
and what values should be emphasized, regarding the aforementioned.
As an introduction to
arguments in favor of developing a national licensing program, editor
Peg Tittle asks the following questions:
How many children have
been punished because they could not do what their parents mistakenly
thought they should be able to do at a certain age— remember
X, carry Y, say Z? How many have been disadvantaged because they
grew up on junk food— for their bodies as well as their
minds? How many have been neglected because their parents didn’t
notice the seeds of some talent? And how often have parents “undermine(d)
a girl’s attempt to be strong and independent? Or repeatedly
punishe(d) a boy for crying or for allegedly sissy interests?
For the sake of convenience,
allow me to answer Tittle’s questions. I would hazard a guess
that all children, regardless of the extent of their parent’s
competence, have been ‘punished,’ ‘disadvantaged,’
‘neglected,’ and ‘undermined’ in the manner
she outlines. I readily admit that my children have suffered under
the weight of my impatience when not meeting my expectations. With
regards to junk food, my children have had their share. Their consumption
of junk food is, in part, an unfortunate reality of living in a
fast-food, commodity driven nation. Tittle might argue that my children
have been neglected because I choose to foster some of their talents
over others. Have I ever undermined my daughter’s attempts
to be strong and independent? If losing my patience and yelling
at her qualifies, then yes. But, the question at large is what do
these incidences speak to? For me, they speak to my character flaws,
my imperfections as a human being and mother, not to mention the
demands of parenthood.
But, superficialities
aside Tittle’s questions convey a notion that it is possible
and desirable to condition, coerce, regulate, and control human
beings in the prospect of creating a tidy, manageable society. They
also express a stanch opinion held by all the contributing authors
that individuals are accountable to society rather than the reverse,
or that the two make up a synergetic relationship.
What does Tittle suggest
in terms of licensing parents? She offers a model developed by contributing
author Westman, professor emeritus of psychiatry at the University
of Wisconsin Medical School, as potential criteria to determining
prospective parent’s suitability. Five categories with corollary
criteria structure Westman’s model. A ‘physical’
category would require that prospective parents (women) meet a minimum
and perhaps a maximum age. A ‘cognitive’ category would
require that women ‘comprehend’ child development, which
Tittle acknowledges “might disqualify not only mentally challenged
adults,” but also members of various religions that “(create)
serious barriers to the development of (the child’s) capacities
for autonomous decision making because they are irrationalist and/or
sexist.” An ‘emotional’ category would require
that prospective parents be “patient, affectionate, and emotionally
mature.” A ‘social’ category would disqualify
prospective parents that had a history of suffering abuse on the
grounds that they are more likely to abuse. Any previous abusive
behaviors or other criminal activities would also eliminate candidates.
A ‘financial’ category would require that prospective
parents have an adequate income to meet their children’s basic
food, shelter, clothing and other needs. And also, given the trends
in educational systems of reducing extracurricular and arts programs,
Tittle suggests that prospective parents must prove that they have
provisions to provide minimum enrichment. Prospective parents, meeting
these ‘minimum’ criteria, could then exercise their
‘right’ to enroll in mandatory parent training courses.
Before moving on to discuss
other anti-natalist measures proposed by the authors, it is useful
to interpret and examine the categories and criteria of Westman’s
model. Who would this model disqualify as prospective parents? Women
younger than 20 years of age or over 35 would not be eligible. The
authors are unanimous in the view that all prospective parents must
obtain a high-school diploma but are less settled if the minimum
age should be 18 or older. Of women meeting the age requirements,
those unable or unwilling to ‘comprehend’ child development,
as understood by the authors, would be disqualified. It seems that
women with a history of emotional inconsistency— which to
my knowledge includes the entire human race— would be held
in suspicion and accountable for attributes of their temperaments
that put them ‘at risk.’ Of course, the emotional category
overlaps with the social (history of abuse, criminal activities)
and economic ones which would serve to preclude women on the basis
of race, class, sexuality and (dis)ability. I think it is safe to
assume that poor, marginalized, of color, and immigrant women would
face the greatest barriers in obtaining a parental license.
In the second section
of the book the authors discuss the notion that in some cases reproduction
is immoral, in particular when there is a risk of passing on a genetic
disease. Joseph Fletcher, professor of medical ethics at University
of Virginia and professor emeritus at the Episcopal Theological
School, argues in favor of compulsory birth control. Fletcher offers
the following comments:
Our moral obligation
is to control the quality as well as the quantity of the children
we bring into the worlds.
Producing our children
by “sexual roulette” without preconceptive and uterine
control, simply taking “pot luck” from random sexual
combinations is irresponsible— now that we can be genetically
selective and know how to monitor against congenital infirmities.
Arguing that the general
welfare of society comes first, Fletcher and several other authors
maintain that the right to have children is not absolute. They insist
on establishing restrictions to reproduction (negative eugenics),
most of all for individuals that are severely mentally handicapped.
The book concludes with
‘Objections and Replies’. Edgar R. Chasteen, professor
of sociology and anthropology at William Jewell College, is in favor
of legislating population control by mandating contraception. Philip
Kitcher, a professor of philosophy at Columbia University, argues
eugenics is inescapable. With the proliferation of genetic tests,
Kitcher maintains that we currently practice a form of laissez-faire
eugenics. He rejects laissez-faire eugenics and is in favor of “utopian
eugenics” (a form of planned and controlled eugenics).
Three premises are central
to the author’ arguments in favor of reproductive and parental
regulations. First, any activity that is potentially dangerous to
others should be restricted and regulated to safeguard society.
To underscore the logic of this premise the authors invoke an analogy
between obtaining a driver’s license and a parental license.
Applying the driver’s license analogy, they propose that any
prospective parent judged incompetent or suspect “even though
they had never maltreated children” should be denied a license
but later given the opportunity to participate in education to “improve
their chances of passing the next test.”
Their second premise,
which builds on the first, is that the notion of parenthood as an
‘unconditional’ right is dangerous and misguided and
must be replaced with a more progressive view— parenthood
as a privilege. Roger McIntire, professor emeritus of psychology,
says,
We can hope that as
progress occurs in the technology of contraception and the knowledge
of child-rearing principles, the currently sacred “right
to parent” will be reevaluated by our society.
Katherine Covell and
R. Brian Howe, directors of the Children’s Rights Centre in
Cape Breton Canada say,
(a)buse and neglect
in various forms will continue until we as a society value parenthood;
until we regard parenting as a privilege, rather than as a by-product
of sexual intercourse, a route to adult identity, or a route to
social assistance.
Reasoning that parenting
is a privilege rather than a right LaFollette says, “Denying
a parenting license to someone who is not competent does not violate
that person’s rights.” Followed by the statement, “In
light of the severity of harm maltreated children suffer, the restraint
appears relatively minor.”
Raising questions about
intentional or unintentional abuses in a licensing program through
government administration LaFollette offers the following reassurances:
This objection can
be dispensed with fairly easily unless one assumes there is some
special reason to believe that more mistakes will be made in administering
parenting licenses than in other regulatory activities.
There is no reason
to believe that the licensing of parents is more likely to be
abused than driver’s license tests or other regulatory procedures.
And finally the triumvirate
premise: the costs incurred to society of not implementing controlled
breeding and parenting is too great— an argument historically
relied on to justify the oppression of human rights. Westman says
“The way children are parented plays a vital role in the quality
of all our lives. We no longer can afford to avoid defining and
confronting incompetent parenting.”
Call it a misguided impression
or paranoia but I don’t get a warm, fuzzy ‘child-rights’
feeling from these folks. I think the words of a Beatle’s
song more aptly express my reaction to these authors— “You
better run for your life if you can, little girl.”
mmo : december
2004 |