One
of the central issues of motherhood as a twenty-first century social
problem is how the illusion of “choice”— particularly
when it’s applied to the ability of some women to combine
paid work and motherhood in a way that matches their financial needs
and personal expectations— obscures systemic conditions
and cultural forces that reinforce the social, political and economic
inequality of all mothers. In Beggars and Choosers:
How the Politics of Choice Shapes Adoption, Abortion, and Welfare
in the United States, historian Rickie Solinger argues that the rhetoric of “reproductive choice”—
as opposed to recognition of women’s reproductive rights—
positions women as “consumers” of fertility and divides
mothers along races and class lines into “legitimate”
or “illegitimate” choice-makers in a marketplace where
babies are the principal commodity. As Solinger writes, “I
am devoted… to making the argument that simple “choice”
actually underlies the very popular (although much denied) idea
that motherhood should be a class privilege in the United States—
a privilege appropriate only for women who can afford it. I am convinced
choice is a remarkably unstable, undependable foundation for guaranteeing
women’s control over their bodies, their reproductive lives,
their motherhood and ultimately their status as full citizens.”
In her opening chapters,
Solinger traces the history of abortion in the United States from
the criminal period through the post-Roe v. Wade era. She
notes that affluent women have always had greater access to safe
surgical abortion than poor women, but particularly after 1976 when
federal legislation prohibited use of Medicaid funds for the procedure.
Ultimately, Solinger suggests, the strategic shift by reproductive
rights activists to the softer and more persuasive language of privacy—
“My Body, My Choice”— served to solidify the
social stratification of mothers based on their race and economic
status. “Choice turned out to be a term and an idea that reflected
and foreshadowed the commodification of reproduction and a new,
hard set of financial qualifications for motherhood.”
The middle section of
Beggars and Choosers (“Claiming Rights in the Era
of Choice”) addresses the complicated politics of adoption
from a perspective that is both illuminating and profoundly provocative.
Solinger— who also authored Wake Up Little Susie: Single
Pregnancy and Race Before Roe V. Wade— records the heart-wrenching
stories of loss recounted by women who, when young, unmarried and
pregnant in the 1950s and 1960s, were pressured by their families,
social workers and other authority figures to surrender their babies
for adoption. “Based on what I’ve learned about the
experiences of birthmothers in the United States,” Solinger
writes, “I want to suggest that the conventional understanding
of adoption should be turned on its head. Almost everybody believes
that on some level, birthmothers make a choice to give their babies
away. … I argue that adoption is rarely about mothers’
choices; it is, instead, about the abject choicelessness of some
resourceless women.” This is no less true as the present-day
shortage of healthy white babies in the U.S. adoption market forces
more adopting parents to seek international options. Beggars
and Choosers also chronicles the emergence of the birthmothers’
movement in the 1970s and the subsequent (and ongoing) campaign
to unseal adoption records.
In the third and final
part of her book, Solinger offers a brief historic overview of welfare
policy in the United States and focuses on the political construction
of poor women as illegitimate consumers of motherhood. Solinger
charts the timeline for the grand entrance of the “Welfare
Queen,” a “folk villain” who “absorbs
and reflects social, cultural, and political ambivalence—
hostility— toward women in trouble.” While the unsavory
specter of the Welfare Queen is typically associated with the punitive
and misleading rhetoric of the Reagan-Bush era, Solinger notes that
America’s antipathy toward poor women who make “bad
choices” about sexuality and motherhood had earlier origins:
“In the early post-war years, a poor, resourceless mother,
even an African-American one, particularly one with an illegitimate
child, would generally have occupied a low, marginal status in the
United States. Her status as a mother may have marked her as a slattern
or slut, but probably would have protected her from classification
as an aggressor, a villain, and an enemy of the people. But with
the expansion of welfare eligibility [in the 1960s], this was to
change.”
Solinger argues that the tactic of vilifying poor
mothers— and specifically poor, unmarried mothers of color—
was a political strategy aimed at gaining public support for the
reduction of social spending and fails to address the core causes
of women’s and children’s poverty. She observes that
once abortion was made legal, “Americans got used to thinking
of pregnancy and childbearing in terms of choice,” and the
image of poor mothers as bad mothers and bad choice-makers was firmly
fixed in the public mind. Interestingly, Solinger reports that welfare
rights activists countered this stereotype with language that will
have a familiar ring to contemporary mothers’ advocates; as
one welfare rights activist boldly stated, “Only a mother
knows if her family will run reasonably if she is gone for fifty
hours a week. She should never be forced to work away from home.”
The central dilemma that
winds thought the recent history captured in Beggars and Choosers is how the fateful intersection of motherhood and choice effaces
the humanity of some mothers and leaves them vulnerable to exploitation,
while protecting the privilege of others who have greater access
to resources and social power. “Judging by the level of support
for ‘welfare reform’ rhetoric, most Americans would
look at the bank balances of both the mothers on welfare and the
ones at low-paying, dead end jobs and determine that neither group
had the right to be mothers because they couldn’t support
children adequately on their own steam. By inference, it seems,
most Americans embrace the proposition that is profoundly problematic
in a democratic society, that motherhood should be a class privilege.
Motherhood is appropriate, it seems, only for women with enough
money to meet the financial test.” This means that the only
“good” choice for many millions of women— who
may deeply desire a life that includes loving and raising their own children— is to remain childless. This formulation of choice cannot be reconciled with cultural ideals of motherhood
as one of purest and truest forms of female self-expression, as well
as one of the most important things a woman can do with her life.
As Solinger concludes:
That is the
problem with choice. In theory, choice refers to individual preference
and wants to protect all women from reproductive coercion. In
practice, though, choice has two faces. The contemporary language
of choice promises dignity and reproductive autonomy to women
with resources. For women without, the language of choice is a
taunt and a threat. When the language of choice is applied to
the question of poor women and motherhood, it begins to sound
a lot like the language of eugenics: women who cannot afford to
make choices are not fit to be mothers. This mutable quality of
choice reminds us that sex and reproduction— motherhood—
provide a rich site for controlling women, based on their race
and class ‘value’.
Solinger’s analysis unearths many vital questions about motherhood as a social issue:
Does the right and responsibility of a woman to control her own
fertility also guarantee a woman’s right to conceive, bear
and raise her own children on her own terms? If so, how do we protect
that right? If not, what restrictions are we, as a society, willing
to impose on women’s fertility, and who decides? How would
such restrictions be enforced, and what would that mean for the
prospect of women’s equality? Beggars and Choosers is a must read for anyone seriously interested in advancing the
social and economic status of mothers, as well as anyone with growing
suspicions about the limitations of the popular and political rhetoric of “choice.”
Rickie Solinger has also co-curated a companion exhibition to Beggars and Choosers,
which will travel to locations around the U.S. through 2006.
Judith Stadtman Tucker
October 2004
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